Up From Slavery An Autobiography
 by Booker Taliaferro Washington
Original Copyright Booker Washington, 1900, 1901 - The Country Life Press, Garden City, N.Y.
This volume is dedicated to my Wife
MARGARET JAMES WASHINGTON
And to my Brother
JOHN H. WASHINGTON
Whose patience, fidelity and hard work have gone far
to make the work at Tuskegee successful
Preface
THIS volume is the outgrowth of a series of
articles, dealing with incidents in my life, which
were published consecutively in the Outlook. While
they were appearing in that magazine I was constantly
surprised at the number of requests which
came to me from all parts of the country, asking
that the articles be permanently preserved in book
form. I am most grateful to the Outlook for permission to gratify these requests.
I have tried to tell a simple, straightforward story,
with no attempt at embellishment. My regret is
that what I have attempted to do has been done so
imperfectly. The greater part of my time and
strength is required for the executive work connected
with the Tuskegee Normal and Industrial
Institute, and in securing the money necessary for
the support of the institution. Much of what I
have said has been written on board trains, or at
hotels or railroad stations while I have been waiting for trains, or during the moments that I could
spare from my work while at Tuskegee. Without
the painstaking and generous assistance of
Mr. Max Bennett Thrasher I could not have
succeeded in any satisfactory degree.
Introduction
The details of Mr. Washington's early life, as frankly set down in "Up from Slavery," do not give quite a whole view of his education. He had the training that a coloured youth receives at Hampton, which, indeed, the autobiography does explain. But the reader does not get his intellectual pedigree, for Mr. Washington himself, perhaps, does not as clearly understand it as another man might. The truth is he had a training during the most impressionable period of his life that was very extraordinary, such a training as few men of his generation have had. To see its full meaning one must start in the Hawaiian Islands half a century or more ago.* There Samuel Armstrong, a youth of missionary parents, earned enough money to pay his expenses at an American college. Equipped with this small sum and the earnestness that the undertaking implied, he came to Williams College when Dr. Mark Hopkins was president. Williams College had many good things for youth in that day, as it has in this, but the greatest was the strong personality of its famous president. Every student does not profit by a great teacher; but perhaps no young man ever came under the influence of Dr. Hopkins, whose whole nature was so ripe for profit by such an experience as young Armstrong. He lived in the family of President Hopkins, and thus had a training that was wholly out of the common; and this training had much to do with the development of his own strong character, whose originality and force we are only beginning to appreciate.
* For this interesting view of Mr. Washington's education, I am indebted to Robert C. Ogden, Esq., Chairman of the Board of Trustees of Hampton Institute and the intimate friend of General Armstrong during the whole period of his educational work.
In turn, Samuel Armstrong, the founder of Hampton Institute, took up his work as a trainer of youth. He had very raw material, and doubtless most of his pupils failed to get the greatest lessons from him; but, as he had been a peculiarly receptive pupil of Dr. Hopkins, so Booker Washington became a peculiarly receptive pupil of his. To the formation of Mr. Washington's character, then, went the missionary zeal of New England, influenced by one of the strongest personalities in modern education, and the wide-reaching moral earnestness of General Armstrong himself These influences are easily recognizable in Mr. Washington to-day by men who knew Dr. Hopkins and General Armstrong.
I got the cue to Mr. Washington's character from a very simple incident many years ago. I had never seen him, and I knew little about him, except that he was the head of a school at Tuskegee, Alabama. I had occasion to write to him, and I addressed him as "The Rev. Booker T. Washington." In his reply there was no mention of my addressing him as a clergyman. But when I had occasion to write to him again, and persisted in making him a preacher, his second letter brought a postscript: "I have no claim to 'Rev.'" I knew most of the coloured men who at that time had become prominent as leaders of their race, but I had not then known one who was neither a politician nor a preacher; and I had not heard of the head of an important coloured school who was not a preacher. "A new kind of man in the coloured world," I said to myself--"a new kind of man surely if he looks upon his task as an economic one instead of a theological one." I wrote him an apology for mistaking him for a preacher.
The first time that I went to Tuskegee I was asked to make an address to the school on Sunday evening. I sat upon the platform of the large chapel and looked forth on a thousand coloured faces, and the choir of a hundred or more behind me sang a familiar religious melody, and the whole company joined in the chorus with unction. I was the only white man under the roof, and the scene and the songs made an impression on me that I shall never forget. Mr. Washington arose and asked them to sing one after another of the old melodies that I had heard all my life; but I had never before heard them sung by a thousand voices nor by the voices of educated Negroes. I had associated them with the Negro of the past, not with the Negro who was struggling upward. They brought to my mind the plantation, the cabin, the slave, not the freedman in quest of education. But on the plantation and in the cabin they had never been sung as these thousand students sang them. I saw again all the old plantations that I had ever seen; the whole history of the Negro ran through my mind; and the inexpressible pathos of his life found expression in these songs as I had never before felt it.
And the future? These were the ambitious youths of the race, at work with an earnestness that put to shame the conventional student life of most educational institutions. Another song rolled up along the rafters. And as soon as silence came, I found myself in front of this extraordinary mass of faces, thinking not of them, but of that long and unhappy chapter in our country's history which followed the one great structural mistake of the Fathers of the Republic; thinking of the one continuous great problem that generations of statesmen had wrangled over, and a million men fought about, and that had so dwarfed the mass of English men in the Southern States as to hold them back a hundred years behind their fellows in every other part of the world--in England, in Australia, and in the Northern and Western States; I was thinking of this dark shadow that had oppressed every large-minded statesman from Jefferson to Lincoln. These thousand young men and women about me were victims of it. I, too, was an innocent victim of it. The whole Republic was a victim of that fundamental error of importing Africa into America. I held firmly to the first article of my faith that the Republic must stand fast by the principle of a fair ballot; but I recalled the wretched mess that Reconstruction had made of it; I recalled the low level of public life in all the "black" States. Every effort of philanthropy seemed to have miscarried, every effort at correcting abuses seemed of doubtful value, and the race friction seemed to become severer. Here was the century-old problem in all its pathos seated singing before me. Who were the more to be pitied--these innocent victims of an ancient wrong, or I and men like me, who had inherited the problem? I had long ago thrown aside illusions and theories, and was willing to meet the facts face to face, and to do whatever in God's name a man might do towards saving the next generation from such a burden. But I felt the weight of twenty well-nigh hopeless years of thought and reading and observation; for the old difficulties remained and new ones had sprung up. Then I saw clearly that the way out of a century of blunders had been made by this man who stood beside me and was introducing me to this audience. Before me was the material he had used. All about me was the indisputable evidence that he had found the natural line of development. He had shown the way. Time and patience and encouragement and work would do the rest.
It was then more clearly than ever before that I understood the patriotic significance of Mr. Washington's work. It is this conception of it and of him that I have ever since carried with me. It is on this that his claim to our gratitude rests.
To teach the Negro to read, whether English, or Greek, or Hebrew, butters no parsnips. To make the Negro work, that is what his master did in one way and hunger has done in another; yet both these left Southern life where they found it. But to teach the Negro to do skilful work, as men of all the races that have risen have worked,--responsible work, which IS education and character; and most of all when Negroes so teach Negroes to do this that they will teach others with a missionary zeal that puts all ordinary philanthropic efforts to shame,--this is to change the whole economic basis of life and the whole character of a people.
The plan itself is not a new one. It was worked out at Hampton Institute, but it was done at Hampton by white men. The plan had, in fact, been many times theoretically laid down by thoughtful students of Southern life. Handicrafts were taught in the days of slavery on most well-managed plantations. But Tuskegee is, nevertheless, a brand-new chapter in the history of the Negro, and in the history of the knottiest problem we have ever faced. It not only makes "a carpenter of a man; it makes a man of a carpenter." In one sense, therefore, it is of greater value than any other institution for the training of men and women that we have, from Cambridge to Palo Alto. It is almost the only one of which it may be said that it points the way to a new epoch in a large area of our national life.
To work out the plan on paper, or at a distance--that is one thing. For a white man to work it out--that too, is an easy thing. For a coloured man to work it out in the South, where, in its constructive period, he was necessarily misunderstood by his own people as well as by the whites, and where he had to adjust it at every step to the strained race relations--that is so very different and more difficult a thing that the man who did it put the country under lasting obligations to him.
It was not and is not a mere educational task. Anybody could teach boys trades and give them an elementary education. Such tasks have been done since the beginning of civilization. But this task had to be done with the rawest of raw material, done within the civilization of the dominant race, and so done as not to run across race lines and social lines that are the strongest forces in the community. It had to be done for the benefit of the whole community. It had to be done, moreover, without local help, in the face of the direst poverty, done by begging, and done in spite of the ignorance of one race and the prejudice of the other.
No man living had a harder task, and a task that called for more wisdom to do it right. The true measure of Mr. Washington's success is, then, not his teaching the pupils of Tuskegee, nor even gaining the support of philanthropic persons at a distance, but this--that every Southern white man of character and of wisdom has been won to a cordial recognition of the value of the work, even men who held and still hold to the conviction that a mere book education for the Southern blacks under present conditions is a positive evil. This is a demonstration of the efficiency of the Hampton-Tuskegee idea that stands like the demonstration of the value of democratic institutions themselves--a demonstration made so clear in spite of the greatest odds that it is no longer open to argument.
Consider the change that has come in twenty years in the discussion of the Negro problem. Two or three decades ago social philosophers and statisticians and well-meaning philanthropists were still talking and writing about the deportation of the Negroes, or about their settlement within some restricted area, or about their settling in all parts of the Union, or about their decline through their neglect of their children, or about their rapid multiplication till they should expel the whites from the South--of every sort of nonsense under heaven. All this has given place to the simple plan of an indefinite extension among the neglected classes of both races of the Hampton-Tuskegee system of training. The "problem" in one sense has disappeared. The future will have for the South swift or slow development of its masses and of its soil in proportion to the swift or slow development of this kind of training. This change of view is a true measure of Mr. Washington's work.
The literature of the Negro in America is colossal, from political oratory through abolitionism to "Uncle Tom's Cabin" and "Cotton is King"--a vast mass of books which many men have read to the waste of good years (and I among them); but the only books that I have read a second time or ever care again to read in the whole list (most of them by tiresome and unbalanced "reformers") are "Uncle Remus" and "Up from Slavery"; for these are the great literature of the subject. One has all the best of the past, the other foreshadows a better future; and the men who wrote them are the only men who have written of the subject with that perfect frankness and perfect knowledge and perfect poise whose other name is genius.
Mr. Washington has won a world-wide fame at an early age. His story of his own life already has the distinction of translation into more languages, I think, than any other American book; and I suppose that he has as large a personal acquaintance among men of influence as any private citizen now living.
His own teaching at Tuskegee is unique. He lectures to his advanced students on the art of right living, not out of text-books, but straight out of life. Then he sends them into the country to visit Negro families. Such a student will come back with a minute report of the way in which the family that he has seen lives, what their earnings are, what they do well and what they do ill; and he will explain how they might live better. He constructs a definite plan for the betterment of that particular family out of the resources that they have. Such a student, if he be bright, will profit more by an experience like this than he could profit by all the books on sociology and economics that ever were written. I talked with a boy at Tuskegee who had made such a study as this, and I could not keep from contrasting his knowledge and enthusiasm with what I heard in a class room at a Negro university in one of the Southern cities, which is conducted on the idea that a college course will save the soul. Here the class was reciting a lesson from an abstruse text-book on economics, reciting it by rote, with so obvious a failure to assimilate it that the waste of labour was pitiful.
I asked Mr. Washington years ago what he regarded as the most important result of his work, and he replied:
"I do not know which to put first, the effect of Tuskegee's work on the Negro, or the effect on the attitude of the white man to the Negro."
The race divergence under the system of miseducation was fast getting wider. Under the influence of the Hampton-Tuskegee idea the races are coming into a closer sympathy and into an honourable and helpful relation. As the Negro becomes economically independent, he becomes a responsible part of the Southern life; and the whites so recognize him. And this must be so from the nature of things. There is nothing artificial about it. It is development in a perfectly natural way. And the Southern whites not only so recognize it, but they are imitating it in the teaching of the neglected masses of their own race. It has thus come about that the school is taking a more direct and helpful hold on life in the South than anywhere else in the country. Education is not a thing apart from life--not a "system," nor a philosophy; it is direct teaching how to live and how to work.
To say that Mr. Washington has won the gratitude of all thoughtful Southern white men, is to say that he has worked with the highest practical wisdom at a large constructive task; for no plan for the up-building of the freedman could succeed that ran counter to Southern opinion. To win the support of Southern opinion and to shape it was a necessary part of the task; and in this he has so well succeeded that the South has a sincere and high regard for him. He once said to me that he recalled the day, and remembered it thankfully, when he grew large enough to regard a Southern white man as he regarded a Northern one. It is well for our common country that the day is come when he and his work are regarded as highly in the South as in any other part of the Union. I think that no man of our generation has a more noteworthy achievement to his credit than this; and it is an achievement of moral earnestness of the strong character of a man who has done a great national service.
Walter H. Page.
CONTENTS
- I. A Slave Among Slaves
- II. Boyhood Days
- III. The Struggle for an Education
- IV. Helping Others
- V. The Reconstruction Period
- VI. Black Race and Red Race
- VII. Early Days at Tuskegee
- VIII. Teaching School in a Stable and a Hen-House
- IX. Anxious Days and Sleepless Nights
- X. A Harder Task Than Making Bricks Without Straw
- XI. Making Their Beds Before They Could Lie on Them
- XII. Raising Money
- XIII. Two Thousand Miles for a Five-Minute Speech
- XIV. The Atlanta Exposition Address
- XV. The Secret of Success in Public Speaking
- XVI. Europe
- XVII. Last Words
UP FROM SLAVERY
CHAPTER I
A SLAVE AMONG SLAVES
I WAS born a slave
on a plantation in Franklin
County, Virginia. I am not quite sure of the
exact place or exact date of my birth, but at
any rate I suspect I must have been born somewhere
and at some time. As nearly as I have been able to
learn, I was born near a cross-roads post-office
called Hale's Ford, and the year was 1858 or 1859.
I do not know the month or the day. The earliest
impressions I can now recall are of the plantation
and the slave quarters -- the latter being the part of
the plantation where the slaves had their cabins.
My life had its
beginning in the midst of the
most miserable, desolate, and discouraging surroundings.
This was so, however, not because my owners were
especially cruel, for they were not, as
compared with many others. I was born in a typical log cabin, about fourteen by sixteen feet square.
In this cabin I lived with my mother and a brother
and sister till after the Civil War, when we were all
declared free.
Of my ancestry I know almost nothing. In the
slave quarters, and even later, I heard whispered
conversations among the coloured people of the tortures
which the slaves, including, no doubt, my ancestors
on my mother's side, suffered in the middle passage
of the slave ship while being conveyed from Africa
to America. I have been unsuccessful in securing
any information that would throw any accurate light
upon the history of my family beyond my mother.
She, I remember, had a half-brother and a half-sister.
In the days of slavery not very much attention
was given to family history and family
records - that is, black family records. My mother, I
suppose, attracted the attention of a purchaser who was
afterward my owner and hers. Her addition to the
slave family attracted about as much attention as
the purchase of a new horse or cow. Of my father
I know even less than of my mother. I do not
even know his name. I have heard reports to the
effect that he was a white man who lived on one of
the near-by plantations. Whoever he was, I never
heard of his taking the least interest in me or
providing in any way for my rearing. But I do not
find especial fault with him. He was simply
another unfortunate victim of the institution which
the Nation unhappily had engrafted upon it at that
time.
The cabin was not only our living-place, but was
also used as the kitchen for the plantation.. My
mother was the plantation cook. The cabin was
without glass windows; it had only openings in the
side which let in the light, and also the cold, chilly
air of winter. There was a door to the cabin -
that is, something that was called a door - but the
uncertain hinges by which it was hung, and the
large cracks in it, to say nothing of the fact that it
was too small, made the room a very uncomfortable
one. In addition to these openings there was, in the
lower right-hand corner of the room, the "cat-hole,"
- a contrivance which almost every mansion or
cabin in Virginia possessed during the ante-bellum
period. The "cat-hole" was a square opening,
about seven by eight inches, provided for the purpose
of letting the cat pass in and out of the house
at will during the night. In the case of our particular
cabin I could never understand the necessity
for this convenience, since there were at least a
half-dozen other places in the cabin that would have
accommodated the cats. There was no wooden floor
in our cabin, the naked earth being used as a floor.
In the centre of the earthen floor there was a large,
deep opening covered with boards, which was used
as a place in which to store sweet potatoes during
the winter. An impression of this potato-hole is
very distinctly engraved upon my memory, because
I recall that during the process of putting
the potatoes in or taking them out I would often come
into possession of one or two, which I roasted and
thoroughly enjoyed. There was no cooking-stove
on our plantation, and all the cooking for the
whites and slaves my mother had to do over an
open fireplace, mostly in pots and "skillets."
While the poorly built cabin caused us to suffer
with cold in the winter, the heat from the open
fire-place in summer was equally trying.
The early years of my life, which were spent in
the little cabin, were not very different from those
of thousands of other slaves. My mother, of
course, had little time in which to give attention to
the training of her children during the day. She
snatched a few moments for our care in the early
morning before her work began, and at night after
the day's work was done. One of my earliest
recollections is that of my mother cooking a chicken
late at night, and awakening her children for the
purpose of feeding them. How or where she got
it I do not know I presume, however, it was
procured from our owner's farm. Some people may
call this theft. If such a thing were to happen
now, I should condemn it as theft myself.
But taking place at the time it did, and for the reason
that it did, no one could ever make me believe that
my mother was guilty of thieving. She was simply
a victim of the system of slavery. I cannot remember
having slept in a bed until after our family
was declared free by the Emancipation Proclamation.
Three children - John, my older brother,
Amanda, my sister, and myself - had a pallet on
the dirt floor, or, to be more correct, we slept in
and on a bundle of filthy rags laid upon the dirt
floor.
I was asked not long ago to tell something about
the sports and pastimes that I engaged in during
my youth. Until that question was asked it had
never occurred to me that there was no period of
my life that was devoted to play. From the time
that I can remember anything, almost every day
of my life has been occupied in some kind of
labour; though I think I would now be a more useful
man if I had had time for sports. During the
period that I spent in slavery I was not large
enough to be of much service, still I was occupied
most of the time in cleaning the yards, carrying
water to the men in the fields, or going to the mill,
to which I used to take the corn, once a week, to
be ground. The mill was about three miles from
the plantation. This work I always dreaded. The
heavy bag of corn would be thrown across the back
of the horse, and the corn divided about evenly on
each side; but in some way, almost without exception,
on these trips, the corn would so shift as to
become unbalanced and would fall off the horse,
and often I would fall with it. As I was not
strong enough to reload the corn upon the horse, I
would have to wait, sometimes for many hours, till
a chance passer-by came along who would help me
out of my trouble. The hours while waiting for
some one were usually spent in crying. The time
consumed in this way made me late in reaching the
mill, and by the time I got my corn ground and
reached home it would be far into the night. The
road was a lonely one, and often led through dense
forests. I was always frightened. The woods
were said to be full of soldiers who had deserted
from the army, and I had been told that the first
thing a deserter did to a Negro boy when he found
him alone was to cut off his ears. Besides, when I
was late in getting home I knew I would always
get a severe scolding or a flogging.
I had no schooling whatever while I was a slave,
though I remember on several occasions I went as
far as the schoolhouse door with one of my young
mistresses to carry her books. The picture of
several dozen boys and girls in a schoolroom engaged
in study made a deep impression upon me,
and I had the feeling that to get into a schoolhouse
and study in this way would be about the
same as getting into paradise.
So far as I can now recall, the first knowledge
that I got of the fact that we were slaves, and that
freedom of the slaves was being discussed, was early
one morning before day, when I was awakened by
my mother kneeling over her children and fervently
praying that Lincoln and his armies might
be successful, and that one day she and her
children might be free. In this connection I have
never been able to understand how the slaves
throughout the South, completely ignorant as were
the masses so far as books or newspapers were
concerned, were able to keep themselves so accurately
and completely informed about the great National
questions that were agitating the country. From
the time that Garrison, Lovejoy, and others began
to agitate for freedom, the slaves throughout the
South kept in close touch with the progress of the
movement. Though I was a mere child during the
preparation for the Civil War and during the
war itself, I now recall the many late-at-night
whispered discussions that I heard my mother and
the other slaves on the plantation indulge in.
These discussions showed that they understood the
situation, and that they kept themselves informed
of events by what was termed the "grape-vine"
telegraph.
During the campaign when Lincoln was first a
candidate for the Presidency, the slaves on our
far-off plantation, miles from any railroad or large city
or daily newspaper, knew what the issues involved
were. When war was begun between the North
and the South, every slave on our plantation felt
and knew that, though other issues were discussed,
the primal one was that of slavery. Even the most
ignorant members of my race on the remote plantations
felt in their hearts, with a certainty that admitted
of no doubt, that the freedom of the slaves would be
the one great result of the war, if the Northern armies
conquered. Every success of the Federal armies and
every defeat of the Confederate forces was watched
with the keenest and most intense interest. Often
the slaves got knowledge of the results of great battles
before the white people received it. This news was
usually gotten from the coloured man who was sent
to the post-office for the mail. In our case the
post-office was about three miles from the plantation
and the mail came once or twice a week. The
man who was sent to the office would linger about
the place long enough to get the drift of the
conversation from the group of white people who
naturally congregated there, after receiving their
mail, to discuss the latest news. The mail-carrier
on his way back to our master's house would as
naturally retail the news that he had secured among
the slaves, and in this way they often heard of
important events before the white people at the "big
house," as the master's house was called.
I cannot remember a single instance during my
childhood or early boyhood when our entire family
sat down to the table together, and God's blessing
was asked, and the family ate a meal in a civilized
manner. On the plantation in Virginia, and even
later, meals were gotten by the children very much
as dumb animals get theirs. It was a piece of bread
here and a scrap of meat there. It was a cup of
milk at one time and some potatoes at another.
Sometimes a portion of our family would eat out of
the skillet or pot, while some one else would eat
from a tin plate held on the knees, and often using
nothing but the hands with which to hold the food.
When I had grown to sufficient size, I was required
to go to the "big house" at meal-times to fan the
flies from the table by means of a large set of paper
fans operated by a pulley. Naturally much of the
conversation of the white people turned upon the
subject of freedom and the war, and I absorbed a
good deal of it. I remember that at one time I saw
two of my young mistresses and some lady visitors
eating ginger-cakes, in the yard. At that time those
cakes seemed to me to be absolutely the most tempting
and desirable things that I had ever seen; and I
then and there resolved that, if I ever got free, the
height of my ambition would be reached if I could
get to the point where I could secure and eat
ginger-cakes in the way that I saw those ladies
doing.
Of course as the
war was prolonged the white
people, in many cases, often found it difficult to
secure food for themselves. I think the slaves felt
the deprivation less than the whites, because the
usual diet for the slaves was corn bread and pork,
and these could be raised on the plantation; but
coffee, tea, sugar, and other articles which the
whites had been accustomed to use could not be
raised on the plantation, and the conditions brought
about by the war frequently made it impossible to
secure these things. The whites were often in great
straits. Parched corn was used for coffee, and a
kind of black molasses was used instead of sugar.
Many times nothing was used to sweeten the
so-called tea and coffee.
The first pair of shoes
that I recall wearing were
wooden ones. They had rough leather on the top,
but the bottoms, which were about an inch thick,
were of wood. When I walked they made a fearful
noise, and besides this they were very inconvenient
since there was no yielding to the natural pressure
of the foot. In wearing them one presented an
exceedingly awkward appearance. The most trying
ordeal that I was forced to endure as a slave boy,
however, was the wearing of a flax shirt. In the
portion of Virginia where I lived it was common
to use flax as part of the clothing for the slaves.
That part of the flax from which our clothing was
made was largely the refuse, which of course was
the cheapest and roughest part. I can scarcely
imagine any torture, except, perhaps, the pulling of
a tooth, that is equal to that caused by putting on
a new flax shirt for the first time. It is almost
equal to the feeling that one would experience if
he had a dozen or more chestnut burrs, or a hundred
small pin-points, in contact with his flesh. Even
to this day I can recall accurately the tortures that I
underwent when putting on one of these garments.
The fact that my flesh was soft and tender added to
the pain. But I had no choice. I had to wear the
flax shirt or none; and had it been left to me to
choose, I should have chosen to wear no covering.
In connection with the flax shirt, my brother John,
who is several years older than I am, performed one
of the most generous acts that I ever heard of one
slave relative doing for another. On several occasions
when I was being forced to wear a new flax shirt,
he generously agreed to put it on in my stead and
wear it for several days, till it was "broken in."
Until I had grown to be quite a youth this single
garment was all that I wore.
One may get the
idea, from what I have said, that
there was bitter feeling toward the white people on the
part of my race, because of the fact that most of the
white population was away fighting in a war which
would result in keeping the Negro in slavery if the
South was successful. In the case of the slaves on
our place this was not true, and it was not true of
any large portion of the slave population in the
South where the Negro was treated with anything
like decency. During the Civil War one of my
young masters was killed, and two were severely
wounded. I recall the feeling of sorrow which
existed among the slaves when they heard of the
death of "Mars' Billy." It was no sham sorrow,
but real. Some of the slaves had nursed "Mars'
Billy"; others had played with him when he was a
child. "Mars' Billy" had begged for mercy in
the case of others when the overseer or master was
thrashing them. The sorrow in the slave quarter
was only second to that in the "big house." When
the two young masters were brought home wounded
the sympathy of the slaves was shown in many
ways. They were just as anxious to assist in the
nursing as the family relatives of the wounded.
Some of the slaves would even beg for the privilege
of sitting up at night to nurse their wounded masters.
This tenderness and sympathy on the part of those
held in bondage was a result of their kindly and
generous nature. In order to defend and protect
the women and children who were left on the
plantations when the white males went to war, the slaves
would have laid down their lives. The slave who
was selected to sleep in the "big house" during the
absence of the males was considered to have the place
of honour. Any one attempting to harm "young
Mistress" or "old Mistress" during the night
would have had to cross the dead body of the slave
to do so. I do not know how many have noticed it,
but I think that it will be found to be true that there
are few instances, either in slavery or freedom, in
which a member of my race has been known to
betray a specific trust.
As a rule, not
only did the members of my race
entertain no feelings of bitterness against the whites
before and during the war, but there are many
instances of Negroes tenderly caring for their
former masters and mistresses who for some reason
have become poor and dependent since the war. I
know of instances where the former masters of
slaves have for years been supplied with money by
their former slaves to keep them from suffering. I
have known of still other cases in which the former
slaves have assisted in the education of the descendants
of their former owners. I know of a case on
a large plantation in the South in which a young
white man, the son of the former owner of the estate,
has become so reduced in purse and self-control by
reason of drink that he is a pitiable creature; and
yet, notwithstanding the poverty of the coloured
people themselves on this plantation, they have for
years supplied this young white man with the
necessities of life. One sends him a little coffee
or sugar, another a little meat, and so on. Nothing
that the coloured people possess is too good for the
son of "old Mars' Tom," who will perhaps never be
permitted to suffer while any remain on the
place who knew directly or indirectly of "old
Mars' Tom."
I have said that there are few instances of a
member of my race betraying a specific trust.
One of the best illustrations of this which I
know of is in the case of an ex-slave from Virginia whom I met not long ago in a little town in the
state of Ohio. I found that this man had made a
contract with his master, two or three years previous
to the Emancipation Proclamation, to the effect
that the slave was to be permitted to buy himself,
by paying so much per year for his body; and while
he was paying for himself, he was to be permitted
to labour where and for whom he pleased. Finding
that he could secure better wages in Ohio, he went
there. When freedom came, he was still in debt to
his master some three hundred dollars. Notwithstanding
that the Emancipation Proclamation freed
him from any obligation to his master, this black
man walked the greater portion of the distance back
to where his old master lived in Virginia, and placed
the last dollar, with interest, in his hands. In talking
to me about this, the man told me that he
knew that he did not have to pay the debt, but
that he had given his word to his master, and his
word he had never broken. He felt that he could
not enjoy his freedom till he had fulfilled his
promise.
From some things that I have said one may get
the idea that some of the slaves did not want freedom.
This is not true. I have never seen one
who did not want to be free, or one who would
return to slavery.
I pity from the
bottom of my heart any nation
or body of people that is so unfortunate as to get
entangled in the net of slavery. I have long since
ceased to cherish any spirit of bitterness against the
Southern white people on account of the enslavement
of my race. No one section of our country was
wholly responsible for its introduction, and, besides,
it was recognized and protected for years by the
General Government. Having once got its tentacles
fastened on to the economic and social life of
the Republic, it was no easy matter for the country
to relieve itself of the institution. Then, when we
rid ourselves of prejudice, or racial feeling, and look
facts in the face, we must acknowledge that, notwithstanding
the cruelty and moral wrong of slavery,
the ten million Negroes inhabiting this country, who
themselves or whose ancestors went through the
school of American slavery, are in a stronger and
more hopeful condition, materially, intellectually,
morally, and religiously, than is true of an equal
number of black people in any other portion of the
globe. This is so to such an extent that Negroes
in this country, who themselves or whose forefathers
went through the school of slavery, are constantly
returning to Africa as missionaries to enlighten
those who remained in the fatherland. This I say,
not to justify slavery - on the other hand, I
condemn it as an institution, as we all know that in
America it was established for selfish and financial
reasons, and not from a missionary motive - but to
call attention to a fact, and to show how Providence
so often uses men and institutions to accomplish a
purpose. When persons ask me in these days how,
in the midst of what sometimes seem hopelessly
discouraging conditions, I can have such faith in
the future of my race in this country, I remind
them of the wilderness through which and out of
which, a good Providence has already led us.
Ever since I have been old enough to think for
myself, I have entertained the idea that, notwithstanding
the cruel wrongs inflicted upon us, the
black man got nearly as much out of slavery as
the white man did. The hurtful influences of the
institution were not by any means confined to the
Negro. This was fully illustrated by the life upon
our own plantation. The whole machinery of
slavery was so constructed as to cause labour, as a
rule, to be looked upon as a badge of degradation,
of inferiority. Hence labour was something that
both races on the slave plantation sought to escape.
The slave system on our place, in a large measure,
took the spirit of self-reliance and self-help out of
the white people. My old master had many boys
and girls, but not one, so far as I know, ever mastered
a single trade or special line of productive
industry. The girls were not taught to cook, sew,
or to take care of the house. All of this was left
to the slaves. The slaves, of course, had little
personal interest in the life of the plantation, and their
ignorance prevented them from learning how to do
things in the most improved and thorough manner.
As a result of the system, fences were out of repair,
gates were hanging half off the hinges, doors
creaked, window-panes were out, plastering had
fallen but was not replaced, weeds grew in the
yard. As a rule, there was food for whites and
blacks, but inside the house, and on the dining
room table, there was wanting that delicacy and
refinement of touch and finish which can make a
home the most convenient, comfortable, and attractive
place in the world. Withal there was a waste
of food and other materials which was sad. When
freedom came, the slaves were almost as well fitted
to begin life anew as the master, except in the
matter of book-learning and ownership of property.
The slave owner and his sons had mastered no
special industry. They unconsciously had imbibed
the feeling that manual labour was not the proper
thing for them. On the other hand, the slaves,
in many cases, had mastered some handicraft, and
none were ashamed, and few unwilling, to labour.
Finally the war closed, and the day of freedom
came. It was a momentous and eventful day to
all upon our plantation. We had been expecting
it. Freedom was in the air, and had been for
months. Deserting soldiers returning to their
homes were to be seen every day. Others who
had been discharged, or whose regiments had been
paroled, were constantly passing near our place.
The "grape-vine telegraph" was kept busy night
and day. The news and mutterings of great events
were swiftly carried from one plantation to another.
In the fear of "Yankee" invasions, the silverware
and other valuables were taken from the "big
house," buried in the woods, and guarded by
trusted slaves. Woe be to any one who would
have attempted to disturb the buried treasure.
The slaves would give the Yankee soldiers food,
drink, clothing - anything but that which had been
specifically intrusted
to their care and honour. As
the great day drew nearer, there was more singing
in the slave quarters than usual. It was bolder,
had more ring, and lasted later into the night.
Most of the verses of the plantation songs had
some reference to freedom. True, they had sung
those same verses before, but they had been careful
to explain that the "freedom" in these songs
referred to the next world, and had no connection
with life in this world. Now they gradually threw
off the mask, and were not afraid to let it be known
that the "freedom" in their songs meant freedom
of the body in this world. The night before the
eventful day, word was sent to the slave quarters
to the effect that something unusual was going to
take place at the "big house" the next morning.
There was little, if any, sleep that night. All was
excitement and expectancy. Early the next morning
word was sent to all the slaves, old and young,
to gather at the house. In company with my
mother, brother, and sister, and a large number of
other slaves, I went to the master's house. All
of our master's family were either standing or
seated on the veranda of the house, where they
could see what was to take place and hear what
was said. There was a feeling of deep interest, or
perhaps sadness, on their faces, but not bitterness.
As I now recall the impression they made upon me,
they did not at the moment seem to be sad because
of the loss of property, but rather because of parting
with those whom they had reared and who were
in many ways very close to them. The most distinct
thing that I now recall in connection with the
scene was that some man who seemed to be a
stranger (a United States officer, I presume) made
a little speech and then read a rather long paper -
the Emancipation Proclamation, I think. After
the reading we were told that we were all free, and
could go when and where we pleased. My mother,
who was standing by my side, leaned over and
kissed her children, while tears of joy ran down
her cheeks. She explained to us what it all meant,
that this was the day for which she had been so
long praying, but fearing that she would never
live to see.
For some minutes there was great rejoicing, and
thanksgiving, and wild scenes of ecstasy. But there
was no feeling of bitterness. In fact, there was pity
among the slaves for our former owners. The wild
rejoicing on the part of the emancipated coloured
people lasted but for a brief period, for I noticed
that by the time they returned to their cabins there
was a change in their feelings. The great responsibility
of being free, of having charge of themselves,
of having to think and plan for themselves
and their children, seemed to take possession of
them. It was very much like suddenly turning a
youth of ten or twelve years out into the world to
provide for himself. In a few hours the great
questions with which the Anglo-Saxon race had
been grappling for centuries had been thrown upon
these people to be solved. These were the questions
of a home, a living, the rearing of children,
education, citizenship, and the establishment and
support of churches. Was it any wonder that
within a few hours the wild rejoicing ceased and a
feeling of deep gloom seemed to pervade the slave
quarters? To some it seemed that, now that they
were in actual possession of it, freedom was a more
serious thing than they had expected to find it.
Some of the slaves were seventy or eighty years
old; their best days were gone. They had no
strength with which to earn a living in a strange
place and among strange people, even if they had
been sure where to find a new place of abode. To
this class the problem seemed especially hard. Besides,
deep down in their hearts there was a strange
and peculiar attachment to "old Marster" and
"old Missus," and to their children, which they
found it hard to think of breaking off. With these
they had spent in some cases nearly a half-century,
and it was no light thing to think of parting.
Gradually, one by one, stealthily at first, the older
slaves began to wander from the slave quarters back
to the "big house" to have a whispered conversation
with their former owners as to the future.
CHAPTER II
BOYHOOD DAYS
AFTER the coming of
freedom there were
two points upon which practically all the
people on our place were agreed, and I find
that this was generally true throughout the South:
that they must change their names, and that they must
leave the old plantation for at least a
few days or weeks in order that they might really feel sure
that they were free.
In some way a feeling got among the coloured
people that it was far from proper for them to bear
the surname of their former owners, and a great
many of them took other surnames. This was one
of the first signs of freedom. When they were
slaves, a coloured person was simply called "John"
or "Susan." There was seldom occasion for more
than the use of the one name. If "John" or
"Susan" belonged to a white man by the name
of "Hatcher," sometimes he was called "John
Hatcher," or as often "Hatcher's John." But there
was a feeling that "John Hatcher" or "Hatcher's
John" was not the proper title by which to denote
a freeman; and so in many cases "John Hatcher"
was changed to "John S. Lincoln" or "John S.
Sherman," the initial "S" standing for no name, it
being simply a part of what the coloured man
proudly called his "entitles."
As I have stated, most of the coloured people left
the old plantation for a short while at least, so as to
be sure, it seemed, that they could leave and try
their freedom on to see how it felt. After they
had remained away for a time, many of the older
slaves, especially, returned to their old homes and
made some kind of contract with their former
owners by which they remained on the estate.
My mother's husband, who was the stepfather of
my brother John and myself, did not belong to the
same owners as did my mother. In fact, he seldom
came to our plantation. I remember seeing
him there perhaps once a year, that being about
Christmas time. In some way, during the war, by
running away and following the Federal soldiers,
it seems, he found his way into the new state of
West Virginia. As soon as freedom was declared,
he sent for my mother to come to the Kanawha
Valley, in West Virginia. At that time a journey
from Virginia over the mountains to West Virginia
was rather a tedious and in some cases a painful undertaking. What little clothing and few household
goods we had were placed in a cart, but the
children walked the greater portion of the distance,
which was several hundred miles.
I do not think any of us ever had been very far
from the plantation, and the taking of a long journey
into another state was quite an event. The
parting from our former owners and the members
of our own race on the plantation was a serious
occasion. From the time of our parting till their
death we kept up a correspondence with the older
members of the family, and in later years we have
kept in touch with those who were the younger
members. We were several weeks making the trip,
and most of the time we slept in the open air and
did our cooking over a log fire out-of-doors. One
night I recall that we camped near an abandoned
log cabin, and my mother decided to build a fire in
that for cooking, and afterward to make a "pallet"
on the floor for our sleeping. Just as the fire had
gotten well started a large black snake fully a yard
and a half long dropped down the chimney and ran
out on the floor. Of course we at once abandoned
that cabin. Finally we reached our destination - a
little town called Malden, which is about five miles
from Charleston, the present capital of the state.
At that time salt-mining was the great industry in
that part of West Virginia, and the little town of
Malden was right in the midst of the salt-furnaces.
My stepfather had already secured a job at a salt-furnace
and he had also secured a little cabin for us to
live in. Our new house was no better than the one
we had left on the old plantation in Virginia. In
fact, in one respect it was worse. Notwithstanding
the poor condition of our plantation cabin, we were at
all times sure of pure air. Our new home was in the
midst of a cluster of cabins crowded closely together,
and as there were no sanitary regulations, the filth
about the cabins was often intolerable. Some of our
neighbours were coloured people, and some were the
poorest and most ignorant and degraded white people.
It was a motley mixture. Drinking, gambling,
quarrels, fights, and shockingly immoral practices
were frequent. All who lived in the little town were
in one way or another connected with the salt business.
Though I was a mere child, my stepfather
put me and my brother at work in one of the furnaces.
Often I began work as early as four o'clock
in the morning.
The first thing I ever learned in the way of book
knowledge was while working in this salt-furnace.
Each salt-packer had his barrels marked with a certain
number. The number allotted to my stepfather
was "18." At the close of the day's work
the boss of the packers would come around and put
"18" on each of our barrels, and I soon learned to
recognize that figure wherever I saw it, and after a
while got to the point where I could make that figure
though I knew nothing about any other figures
or letters.
From the time that I can remember having any
thoughts about anything, I recall that I had an
intense longing to learn to read. I determined, when
quite a small child, that, if I accomplished nothing
else in life, I would in some way get enough education
to enable me to read common books and newspapers.
Soon after we got settled in some manner
in our new cabin in West Virginia, I induced my
mother to get hold of a book for me. How or
where she got it I do not know, but in some way
she procured an old copy of Webster's "blue-back"
spelling-book, which contained the alphabet, followed
by such meaningless words as "ab," "ba," "ca,"
"da." I began at once to devour this book, and I
think that it was the first one I ever had in my
hands. I had learned from somebody that the way
to begin to read was to learn the alphabet, so I tried
in all the ways I could think of to learn it, - all of
course without a teacher, for I could find no one to
teach me. At that time there was not a single
member of my race anywhere near us who could read,
and I was too timid to approach any of the white
people. In some way, within a few weeks, I
mastered the greater portion of the alphabet. In all
my efforts to learn to read my mother shared full
my ambition, and sympathized with me and aided
me in every way that she could. Though she was
totally ignorant, so far as mere book knowledge was
concerned, she had high ambitions for her children,
and a large fund of good hard, common sense
which seemed to enable her to meet and master
every situation. If I have done anything in life
worth attention, I feel sure that I inherited the
disposition from my mother.
In the midst of my struggles and longing for an
education, a young coloured boy who had learned
to read in the state of Ohio came to Malden. As
soon as the coloured people found out that he could
read, a newspaper was secured, and at the close of
nearly every day's work this young man would be
surrounded by a group of men and women who
were anxious to hear him read the news contained in
the papers. How I used to envy this man! He
seemed to me to be the one young man in all the world
who ought to be satisfied with his attainments.
About this time the question of having some kind
of a school opened for the coloured children in the
village began to be discussed by members of the
race. As it would be the first school for Negro
children that had ever been opened in that part of
Virginia, it was, of course, to be a great event, and
the discussion excited the widest interest. The most
perplexing question was where to find a teacher.
The young man from Ohio who had learned to read
the papers was considered, but his age was against
him. In the midst of the discussion about a teacher,
another young coloured man from Ohio, who had
been a soldier, in some way found his way into town.
It was soon learned that he possessed considerable
education, and he was engaged by the coloured people
to teach their first school. As yet no free schools
had been started for coloured people in that section,
hence each family agreed to pay a certain amount
per month, with the understanding that the teacher
was to "board 'round" - that is, spend a day with
each family. This was not bad for the teacher,
for each family tried to provide the very best on the day
the teacher was to be its guest. I recall that I looked
forward with an anxious appetite to the "teacher's
day" at our little cabin.
This experience of a whole race beginning to go
to school for the first time, presents one of the most
interesting studies that has ever occurred in connection
with the development of any race. Few people
who were not right in the midst of the scenes
can form any exact idea of the intense desire which
the people of my race showed for an education. As
I have stated, it was a whole race trying to go to
school. Few were too young, and none too old, to
make the attempt to learn. As fast as any kind of
teachers could be secured, not only were day-schools
filled, but night-schools as well. The great
ambition of the older people was to try to learn to read
the Bible before they died. With this end in view,
men and women who were fifty or seventy-five years
old would often be found in the night-school.
Sunday-schools were formed soon after freedom, but the
principal book studied in the Sunday-school was the
spelling-book. Day-school, night-school, Sunday-school,
were always crowded, and often many had to be
turned away for want of room.
The opening of the school in the Kanawha Valley,
however, brought to me one of the keenest
disappointments that I ever experienced. I had been
working in a salt-furnace for several months, and my
stepfather had discovered that I had a financial value
and so, when the school opened, he decided that he
could not spare me from my work. This decision
seemed to cloud my every ambition.. The disappointment
was made all the more severe by reason
of the fact that my place of work was where I could
see the happy children passing to and from school,
mornings and afternoons. Despite this disappointment,
however, I determined that I would learn
something, anyway. I applied myself with greater
earnestness than ever to the mastering of what was
in the "blue-back" speller.
My mother sympathized with me in my disappointment,
and sought to comfort me in all the ways
she could, and to help me find a way to learn.
After a while I succeeded in making arrangements
with the teacher to give me some lessons at night,
after the day's work was done. These night lessons
were so welcome that I think I learned more at night
than the other children did during the day. My
own experiences in the night-school gave me faith in
the night-school idea, with which, in after years, I
had to do both at Hampton and Tuskegee. But
my boyish heart was still set upon going to the
day-school, and I let no opportunity slip to push my
case. Finally I won, and was permitted to go to
the school in the day for a few months, with the
understanding that I was to rise early in the morning
and work in the furnace till nine o'clock, and return
immediately after school closed in the afternoon for
at least two more hours of work.
The schoolhouse was some distance from the
furnace, and as I had to work till nine o'clock, and
the school opened at nine, I found myself in a difficulty. School would always be begun before I
reached it, and sometimes my class had recited. To
get around this difficulty I yielded to a temptation
for which most people, I suppose, will condemn me;
but since it is a fact, I might as well state it. I have
great faith in the power and influence of facts. It is
seldom that anything is permanently gained by holding
back a fact. There was a large clock in a little
office in the furnace. This clock, of course, all the
hundred or more workmen depended upon to regulate
their hours of beginning and ending the day's
work. I got the idea that the way for me to reach
school on time was to move the clock hands from
half-past eight up to the nine o'clock mark. This
I found myself doing morning after morning, till
the furnace "boss" discovered that something was
wrong, and locked the clock in a case. I did not
mean to inconvenience anybody. I simply meant
to reach that schoolhouse in time.
When, however, I found myself at the school
for the first time, I also found myself confronted
with two other difficulties. In the first place, I
found that all of the other children wore hats or
caps on their heads, and I had neither hat nor cap.
In fact, I do not remember that up to the time of
going to school I had ever worn any kind of covering
upon my head, nor do I recall that either I or anybody else had even thought anything about
the need of covering for my head. But, of course,
when I saw how all the other boys were dressed, I
began to feel quite uncomfortable. As usual, I
put the case before my mother, and she explained
to me that she had no money with which to buy a
"store hat," which was a rather new institution at
that time among the members of my race and was
considered quite the thing for young and old to
own, but that she would find a way to help me out
of the difficulty. She accordingly got two pieces
of "homespun" (jeans) and sewed them together,
and I was soon the proud possessor of my first
cap.
The lesson that my mother taught me in this has
always remained with me, and I have tried as best
I could to teach it to others. I have always felt
proud, whenever I think of the incident, that my
mother had strength of character enough not to be
fed into the temptation of seeming to be that which
she was not - of trying to impress my schoolmates
and others with the fact that she was able to buy
me a "store hat" when she was not. I have always
felt proud that she refused to go into debt for that
which she did not have the money to pay for.
Since that time I have owned many kinds of caps
and hats, but never one of which I have felt so
proud as of the cap made of the two pieces of cloth
sewed together by my mother. I have noted the
fact, but without satisfaction, I need not add, that
several of the boys who began their careers with
"store hats" and who were my schoolmates and
used to join in the sport that was made of me
because I had only a "homespun" cap, have ended
their careers in the penitentiary, while others are
not able now to buy any kind of hat.
My second difficulty was with regard to my
name, or rather a name. From the time when I
could remember anything, I had been called simply
"Booker." Before going to school it had never
occurred to me that it was needful or appropriate
to have an additional name. When I heard the
school-roll called, I noticed that all of the children
had at least two names, and some of them indulged
in what seemed to me the extravagance of having
three. I was in deep perplexity, because I knew
that the teacher would demand of me at least two
names, and I had only one. By the time the occasion
came for the enrolling of my name, an idea
occurred to me which I thought would make me
equal to the situation; and so, when the teacher
asked me what my full name was, I calmly told
him "Booker Washington," as if I had been called
by that name all my life; and by that name I have
since been known. Later in my life I found that
my mother had given me the name of "Booker
Taliaferro" soon after I was born, but in some way
that part of my name seemed to disappear and for
a long while was forgotten, but as soon as I found
out about it I revived it, and made my full name
"Booker Taliaferro Washington." I think there
are not many men in our country who have had the
privilege of naming themselves in the way that I
have.
More than once I have tried to picture myself in
the position of a boy or man with an honoured and
distinguished ancestry which I could trace back
through a period of hundreds of years, and who
had not only inherited a name, but fortune and a
proud family homestead; and yet I have sometimes
had the feeling that if I had inherited these, and
had been a member of a more popular race, I
should have been inclined to yield to the temptation
of depending upon my ancestry and my colour
to do that for me which I should do for myself.
Years ago I resolved that because I had no ancestry
myself I would leave a record of which my children
would be proud, and which might encourage them
to still higher effort.
The world should not pass judgment upon the
Negro, and especially the Negro youth, too quickly
or too harshly. The Negro boy has obstacles,
discouragements, and temptations to battle with that
are little known to those not situated as he is.
When a white boy undertakes a task, it is taken for
granted that he will succeed. On the other hand,
people are usually surprised if the Negro boy does
not fail. In a word, the Negro youth starts out
with the presumption against him.
The influence of ancestry, however, is important
in helping forward any individual or race, if too
much reliance is not placed upon it. Those who
constantly direct attention to the Negro youth's
moral weaknesses, and compare his advancement
with that of white youths, do not consider the
influence of the memories which cling about the
old family homesteads. I have no idea, as I have
stated elsewhere, who my grandmother was. I
have, or have had, uncles and aunts and cousins,
but I have no knowledge as to where most of them
are. My case will illustrate that of hundreds of
thousands of black people in every part of our
country. The very fact that the white boy is
conscious that, if he fails in life, he will disgrace the
whole family record, extending back through many
generations, is of tremendous value in helping him
to resist temptations. The fact that the individual
has behind and surrounding him proud family
history and connection serves as a stimulus to help
him to overcome obstacles when striving for
success.
The time that I was permitted to attend school
during the day was short, and my attendance was
irregular. It was not long before I had to stop
attending day-school altogether, and devote all of
my time again to work. I resorted to the
night-school again. In fact, the greater part of the
education I secured in my boyhood was gathered
through the night-school after my day's work was
done. I had difficulty often in securing a
satisfactory teacher. Sometimes, after I had secured
some one to teach me at night, I would find, much
to my disappointment, that the teacher knew but
little more than I did. Often I would have to
walk several miles at night in order to recite my
night-school lessons. There was never a time in
my youth, no matter how dark and discouraging
the days might be, when one resolve did not
continually remain with me, and that was a
determination to secure an education at any cost.
Soon after we moved to West Virginia, my
mother adopted into our family, notwithstanding
our poverty, an orphan boy, to whom afterward we
gave the name of James B. Washington. He has
ever since remained a member of the family.
After I had worked in the salt-furnace for some
time, work was secured for me in a coal-mine which
was operated mainly for the purpose of securing
fuel for the salt-furnace. Work in the coal-mine I
always dreaded. One reason for this was that any
one who worked in a coal-mine was always unclean,
at least while at work, and it was a very hard job to
get one's skin clean after the day's work was over.
Then it was fully a mile from the opening of the
coal-mine to the face of the coal, and all, of course,
was in the blackest darkness. I do not believe that
one ever experiences anywhere else such darkness
as he does in a coal-mine. The mine was divided
into a large number of different "rooms" or
departments, and, as I never was able to learn the
location of all these "rooms," I many times found
myself lost in the mine. To add to the horror of
being lost, sometimes my light would go out, and
then, if I did not happen to have a match, I would
wander about in the darkness until by chance I
found some one to give me a light. The work
was not only hard, but it was dangerous. There
was always the danger of being blown to pieces by a
premature explosion of powder, or of being crushed
by falling slate. Accidents from one or the other
of these causes were frequently occurring, and this
kept me in constant fear. Many children of the
tenderest years were compelled then, as is now true,
I fear, in most coal-mining districts, to spend a
large part of their lives in these coal-mines, with
little opportunity to get an education; and, what is
worse, I have often noted that, as a rule, young
boys who begin life in a coal-mine are often
physically and mentally dwarfed. They soon lose
ambition to do anything else than to continue as a
coal-miner.
In those days, and later as a young man, I used
to try to picture in my imagination the feelings and
ambitions of a white boy with absolutely no limit
placed upon his aspirations and activities. I used
to envy the white boy who had no obstacles placed
in the way of his becoming a Congressman,
Governor, Bishop, or President by reason of the accident
of his birth or race. I used to picture the way that
I would act under such circumstances; how I would
begin at the bottom and keep rising until I reached
the highest round of success.
In later years, I confess that I do not envy the
white boy as I once did. I have learned that
success is to be measured not so much by the position
that one has reached in life as by the obstacles which
he has overcome while trying to succeed. Looked
at from this standpoint, I almost reach the conclusion
that often the Negro boy's birth and connection
with an unpopular race is an advantage, so far as
real life is concerned. With few exceptions, the
Negro youth must work harder and must perform
his task even better than a white youth in order to
secure recognition. But out of the hard and
unusual struggle through which he is compelled to
pass, he gets a strength, a confidence, that one
misses whose pathway is comparatively smooth by
reason of birth and race.
From any point of view, I had rather be what I
am, a member of the Negro race, than be able to
claim membership with the most favoured of any
other race. I have always been made sad when I
have heard members of any race claiming rights and
privileges, or certain badges of distinction, on the
ground simply that they were members of this or
that race, regardless of their own individual worth
or attainments. I have been made to feel sad for
such persons because I am conscious of the fact
that mere connection with what is known as a
race will not permanently carry an individual
forward unless he has individual worth, and
mere connection with what is regarded as an inferior
race will not finally hold an individual back if he
possesses intrinsic, individual merit. Every persecuted
individual and race should get much consolation
out of the great human law, which is universal
and eternal, that merit, no matter under what skin
found, is, in the long run, recognized and rewarded.
This I have said here, not to call attention to
myself as an individual, but to the race to which I am
proud to belong.
CHAPTER III
THE STRUGGLE FOR AN EDUCATION
ONE day, while at
work in the coal-mine, I
happened to overhear two miners talking
about a great school for coloured people
somewhere in Virginia. This was the first time
that I had ever heard anything about any kind of
school or college that was more pretentious than
the little coloured school in our town.
In the darkness of the mine I noiselessly crept
as close as I could to the two men who were talking.
I heard one tell the other that not only was the
school established for the members of my race, but
that opportunities were provided by which poor but
worthy students could work out all or a part of the
cost of board, and at the same time be taught some
trade or industry.
As they went on describing the school, it seemed
to me that it must be the greatest place on earth,
and not even Heaven presented more attractions for
me at that time than did the Hampton Normal and
Agricultural Institute in Virginia, about which these
men were talking. I resolved at once to go to that
school, although I had no idea where it was, or how
many miles away, or how I was going to reach it; I
remembered only that I was on fire constantly with
one ambition, and that was to go to Hampton.
This thought was with me day and night.
After hearing of the Hampton Institute, I continued
to work for a few months longer in the coal-mine.
While at work there, I heard of a vacant
position in the household of General Lewis Ruffner,
the owner of the salt-furnace and coal-mine. Mrs.
Viola Ruffner, the wife of General Ruffner, was a
"Yankee" woman from Vermont. Mrs. Ruffner
had a reputation all through the vicinity for being
very strict with her servants, and especially with the
boys who tried to serve her. Few of them had
remained with her more than two or three weeks.
They all left with the same excuse: she was too
strict. I decided, however, that I would rather try
Mrs. Ruffner's house than remain in the coal-mine,
and so my mother applied to her for the vacant
position. I was hired at a salary of $5 per month.
I had heard so much about Mrs. Ruffner's
severity that I was almost afraid to see her, and
trembled when I went into her presence. I had
not lived with her many weeks, however, before I
began to understand her. I soon began to learn
that, first of all, she wanted everything kept clean
about her, that she wanted things done promptly
and systematically, and that at the bottom of everything
she wanted absolute honesty and frankness.
Nothing must be sloven or slipshod; every door,
every fence, must be kept in repair.
I cannot now recall how long I lived with Mrs.
Ruffner before going to Hampton, but I think it
must have been a year and a half. At any rate, I
here repeat what I have said more than once before,
that the lessons that I learned in the home of Mrs.
Ruffner were as valuable to me as any education I
have ever gotten anywhere since. Even to this day
I never see bits of paper scattered around a house
or in the street that I do not want to pick them up
at once. I never see a filthy yard that I do not
want to clean it, a paling off of a fence that I do not
want to put it on, an unpainted or unwhitewashed
house that I do not want to paint or whitewash it,
or a button off one's clothes, or a grease-spot on
them or on a floor, that I do not want to call
attention to it.
From fearing Mrs. Ruffner I soon learned to
look upon her as one of my best friends. When
she found that she could trust me she did so
implicitly. During the one or two winters that at I was
with her she gave me an opportunity to go to
school for an hour in the day during a portion of
the winter months, but most of my studying was
done at night, sometimes alone, sometimes under
some one whom I could hire to teach me. Mrs.
Ruffner always encouraged and sympathized with
me in all my efforts to get an education. It was
while living with her that I began to get together my
first library. I secured a dry-goods box, knocked out
one side of it, put some shelves in it, and began
putting into it every kind of book that I could get
my hands upon, and called it my "library."
Notwithstanding my success at Mrs. Ruffner's
I did not give up the idea of going to the Hampton
Institute. In the fall of 1872 I determined to
make an effort to get there, although, as I have
stated, I had no definite idea of the direction in
which Hampton was, or of what it would cost to
go there. I do not think that any one thoroughly
sympathized with me in my ambition to go to
Hampton unless it was my mother, and she was
troubled with a grave fear that I was starting out
on a "wild-goose chase." At any rate, I got only
a half-hearted consent from her that I might start.
The small amount of money that I had earned had
been consumed by my stepfather and the remainder
of the family, with the exception of a very few dollars,
and so I had very little with which to buy
clothes and pay my travelling expenses. My
brother John helped me all that he could, but of
course that was not a great deal, for his work was
in the coal-mine, where he did not earn much, an
most of what he did earn went in the direction of
paying the household expenses.
Perhaps the thing that touched and pleased me
most in connection with my starting for Hampton
was the interest that many of the older coloured
people took in the matter. They had spent the
best days of their lives in slavery, and hardly
expected to live to see the time when they would see
a member of their race leave home to attend a
boarding-school. Some of these older people
would give me a nickel, others a quarter, or a
handkerchief.
Finally the great day came, and I started for
Hampton. I had only a small, cheap satchel that
contained what few articles of clothing I could get.
My mother at the time was rather weak and broken
in health. I hardly expected to see her again, and
thus our parting was all the more sad. She, however,
was very brave through it all. At that time
there were no through trains connecting that part
of West Virginia with eastern Virginia. Trains ran
only a portion of the way, and the remainder of
the distance was travelled by stage-coaches.
The distance from Malden to Hampton is about
five hundred miles. I had not been away from home
many hours before it began to grow painfully
evident that I did not have enough money to pay
my fare to Hampton. One experience I shall long
remember. I had been travelling over the mountains
most of the afternoon in an old-fashioned
stage-coach, when, late in the evening, the coach
stopped for the night at a common, unpainted
house called a hotel. All the other passengers
except myself were whites. In my ignorance I
supposed that the little hotel existed for the purpose
of accommodating the passengers who travelled
on the stage-coach. The difference that the
colour of one's skin would make I had not thought
anything about. After all the other passengers had
been shown rooms and were getting ready for supper,
I shyly presented myself before the man at
the desk. It is true I had practically no money in
my pocket with which to pay for bed or food, but I
had hoped in some way to beg my way into the
good graces of the landlord, for at that season in
the mountains of Virginia the weather was cold, and
I wanted to get indoors for the night. Without
asking as to whether I had any money, the man at
the desk firmly refused to even consider the matter
of providing me with food or lodging. This was my first experience in finding out what the colour of
my skin meant. In some way I managed to keep
warm by walking about, and so got through the
night. My whole soul was so bent upon reaching
Hampton that I did not have time to cherish any
bitterness toward the hotel-keeper.
By walking, begging rides both in wagons and
in the cars, in some way, after a number of days, I
reached the city of Richmond, Virginia, about
eighty-two miles from Hampton. When I reached
there, tired, hungry, and dirty, it was late in the
night. I had never been in a large city, and this
rather added to my misery. When I reached
Richmond, I was completely out of money. I had
not a single acquaintance in the place, and, being
unused to city ways, I did not know where to go.
I applied at several places for lodging, but they all
wanted money, and that was what I did not have.
Knowing nothing else better to do, I walked the
streets. In doing this I passed by many food-stands
where fried chicken and half-moon apple
pies were piled high and made to present a most
tempting appearance. At that time it seemed to
me that I would have promised all that I expected
to possess in the future to have gotten hold of one
of those chicken legs or one of those pies. But I
could not get either of these, nor anything else to eat.
I must have walked the streets till after
midnight. At last I became so exhausted that I could
walk no longer. I was tired, I was hungry, I was
everything but discouraged. Just about the time
when I reached extreme physical exhaustion, I came
upon a portion of a street where the board sidewalk
was considerably elevated. I waited for a few minutes,
till I was sure that no passers-by could see me,
and then crept under the sidewalk and lay for
the night upon the ground, with my satchel of
clothing for a pillow. Nearly all night I could
hear the tramp of feet over my head. The next
morning I found myself somewhat refreshed, but I
was extremely hungry, because it had been a long
time since I had had sufficient food. As soon as it
became light enough for me to see my surroundings
I noticed that I was near a large ship, and that
this ship seemed to be unloading a cargo of pig
iron. I went at once to the vessel and asked the
captain to permit me to help unload the vessel in
order to get money for food. The captain, a white
man, who seemed to be kind-hearted, consented.
I worked long enough to earn money for my
breakfast, and it seems to me, as I remember it
now, to have been about the best breakfast that I
have ever eaten.
My work pleased the captain so well that he told
me if I desired I could continue working for a
small amount per day. This I was very glad to
do. I continued working on this vessel for a
number of days. After buying food with the small
wages I received there was not much left to add to
the amount I must get to pay my way to Hampton.
In order to economize in every way possible,
so as to be sure to reach Hampton in a reasonable
time, I continued to sleep under the same sidewalk
that gave me shelter the first night I was in Richmond.
Many years after that the coloured citizens
of Richmond very kindly tendered me a reception,
at which there must have been two thousand people
present. This reception was held not far from
the spot where I slept the first night I spent in
that city, and I must confess that my mind was
more upon the sidewalk that first gave me shelter
than upon the reception, agreeable and cordial as it
was.
When I had saved what I considered enough
money with which to reach Hampton, I thanked
the captain of the vessel for his kindness, and
started again. Without any unusual occurrence I
reached Hampton, with a surplus of exactly fifty
cents with which to begin my education. To me
it had been a long, eventful journey; but the first
sight of the large, three-story, brick school building
seemed to have rewarded me for all that I had
undergone in order to reach the place. If the people
who gave the money to provide that building
could appreciate the influence the sight of it had
upon me, as well as upon thousands of other
youths, they would feel all the more encouraged to
make such gifts. It seemed to me to be the largest
and most beautiful building I had ever seen. The
sight of it seemed to give me new life. I felt that
a new kind of existence had now begun - that life
would now have a new meaning. I felt that I had
reached the promised land, and I resolved to let no
obstacle prevent me from putting forth the highest
effort to fit myself to accomplish the most good in
the world.
As soon as possible after reaching the grounds
of the Hampton Institute, I presented myself
before the head teacher for assignment to a class.
Having been so long without proper food, a bath,
and change of clothing, I did not, of course, make
a very favourable impression upon her, and I could
see at once that there were doubts in her mind
about the wisdom of admitting me as a student. I
felt that I could hardly blame her if she got the
idea that I was a worthless loafer or tramp. For
some time she did not refuse to admit me, neither
did she decide in my favour, and I continued to
linger about her, and to impress her in all the ways
I could with my worthiness. In the meantime I
saw her admitting other students, and that added
greatly to my discomfort, for I felt, deep down in
my heart, that I could do as well as they, if I could
only get a chance to show what was in me.
After some hours had passed, the head teacher
said to me: "The adjoining recitation-room needs
sweeping. Take the broom and sweep it."
It occurred to me at once that here was my
chance. Never did I receive an order with more
delight. I knew that I could sweep, for Mrs. Ruffner
had thoroughly taught me how to do that when
I lived with her.
I swept the recitation-room three times. Then I
got a dusting-cloth and I dusted it four times. All
the woodwork around the walls, every bench, table,
and desk, I went over four times with my dusting-cloth.
Besides, every piece of furniture had been
moved and every closet and corner in the room had
been thoroughly cleaned. I had the feeling that
in a large measure my future depended upon the
impression I made upon the teacher in the cleaning
of that room. When I was through, I reported to
the head teacher. She was a "Yankee" woman who
knew just where to look for dirt. She went into
the room and inspected the floor and closets; then
she took her handkerchief and rubbed it on the
woodwork about the walls, and over the table and
benches. When she was unable to find one bit of
dirt on the floor, or a particle of dust on any of the
furniture, she quietly remarked, "I guess you will
do to enter this institution."
I was one of the happiest souls on earth. The
sweeping of that room was my college examination,
and never did any youth pass an examination for
entrance into Harvard or Yale that gave him more
genuine satisfaction. I have passed several examinations
since then, but I have always felt that this
was the best one I ever passed.
I have spoken of my own experience in entering the
Hampton Institute. Perhaps few, if any, had anything
like the same experience that I had, but about
that same period there were hundreds who found
their way to Hampton and other institutions after
experiencing something of the same difficulties that
I went through. The young men and women were
determined to secure an education at any cost.
The sweeping of the recitation-room in the manner
that I did it seems to have paved the way for
me to get through Hampton. Miss Mary F.
Mackie, the head teacher, offered me a position as
janitor. This, of course, I gladly accepted, because
it was a place where I could work out nearly all the
cost of my board. The work was hard and taxing,
but I stuck to it. I had a large number of rooms
to care for, and had to work late into the night,
while at the same time I had to rise by four o'clock
in the morning, in order to build the fires and have
a little time in which to prepare my lessons. In all
my career at Hampton, and ever since I have been
out in the world, Miss Mary F. Mackie, the head
teacher to whom I have referred, proved one of my
strongest and most helpful friends. Her advice and
encouragement were always helpful and strengthening
to me in the darkest hour.
I have spoken of the impression that was made
upon me by the buildings and general appearance
of the Hampton Institute, but I have not spoken
of that which made the greatest and most lasting
impression upon me, and that was a great man -
the noblest, rarest human being that it has ever been
my privilege to meet. I refer to the late General
Samuel C. Armstrong.
It has been my fortune to meet personally many
of what are called great characters, both in Europe
and America, but I do not hesitate to say that I
never met any man who, in my estimation, was
the equal of General Armstrong. Fresh from the
degrading influences of the slave plantation and the
coal-mines, it was a rare privilege for me to be
permitted to come into direct contact with such a
character as General Armstrong. I shall always
remember that the first time I went into his presence
he made the impression upon me of being a perfect
man: I was made to feel that there was something
about him that was superhuman. It was my privilege
to know the General personally from the time
I entered Hampton till he died, and the more I saw
of him the greater he grew in my estimation. One
might have removed from Hampton all the buildings,
class-rooms, teachers, and industries, and given
the men and women there the opportunity of coming
into daily contact with General Armstrong, and that
alone would have been a liberal education. The
older I grow, the more I am convinced that there is
no education which one can get from and
costly apparatus that is equal to that which can be
gotten from contact with great men and women.
Instead of studying books so constantly, how I wish
that our schools and colleges might learn to study
men and things!
General Armstrong spent two of the last six
months of his life in my home at Tuskegee. At
that time he was paralyzed to the extent that he had
lost control of his body and voice in a very large
degree. Notwithstanding his affliction, he worked
almost constantly night and day for the cause to
which he had given his life. I never saw a man
who so completely lost sight of himself. I do not
believe he ever had a selfish thought. He was just
as happy in trying to assist some other institution
in the South as he was when working for Hampton.
Although he fought the Southern white man in the
Civil War, I never heard him utter a bitter word
against him afterward. On the other hand, he was
constantly seeking to find ways by which he could
be of service to the Southern whites.
It would be difficult to describe the hold that he
had upon the students at Hampton, or the faith
they had in him. In fact, he was worshipped by his
students. It never occurred to me that General
Armstrong could fail in anything that he undertook.
There is almost no request that he could have made
that would not have been complied with. When he
was a guest at my home in Alabama, and was so
badly paralyzed that he had to be wheeled about in
an invalid's chair, I recall that one of the General's
former students had occasion to push his chair up
a long, steep hill that taxed his strength to the
utmost. When the top of the hill was reached, the
former pupil, with a glow of happiness on his face,
exclaimed, "I am so glad that I have been permitted
to do something that was real hard for the General
before he dies!" While I was a student at Hampton,
the dormitories became so crowded that it was
impossible to find room for all who wanted to be
admitted. In order to help remedy the difficulty,
the General conceived the plan of putting up tents
to be used as rooms. As soon as it became known
that General Armstrong would be pleased if some
of the older students would live in the tents during
the winter, nearly every student in school volunteered
to go.
I was one of the volunteers. The winter that we
spent in those tents was an intensely cold one, and
we suffered severely - how much I am sure General
Armstrong never knew, because we made no
complaints. It was enough for us to know that we
were pleasing General Armstrong, and that we were
making it possible for an additional number of
students to secure an education. More than once,
during a cold night, when a stiff gale would be blowing,
our tent was lifted bodily, and we would find
ourselves in the open air. The General would usually
pay a visit to the tents early in the morning, and
his earnest, cheerful, encouraging voice would dispel
any feeling of despondency.
I have spoken of my admiration for General
Armstrong, and yet he was but a type of that
Christlike body of men and women who went into
the Negro schools at the close of the war by the
hundreds to assist in lifting up my race. The history
the world fails to show a higher, purer, and
more unselfish class of men and women than those
who found their way into those Negro schools.
Life at Hampton was a constant revelation to me;
was constantly taking me into a new world. The
matter of having meals at regular hours, of eating
on a tablecloth, using a napkin, the use of the bath-tub
and of the tooth-brush, as well as the use of
sheets upon the bed, were all new to me.
I sometimes feel that almost the most valuable
lesson I got at the Hampton Institute was in the use
and value of the bath. I learned there for the first
time some of its value, not only in keeping the
body healthy, but in inspiring self-respect and
promoting virtue. In all my travels in the South and
elsewhere since leaving Hampton I have always in
some way sought my daily bath. To get it sometimes
when I have been the guest of my own people
in a single-roomed cabin has not always been easy
to do, except by slipping away to some stream in
the woods. I have always tried to teach my people
that some provision for bathing should be a part of
every house.
For some time, while a student at Hampton, I
possessed but a single pair of socks, but when I had
worn these till they became soiled, I would wash
them at night and hang them by the fire to dry, so
that I might wear them again the next morning.
The charge for my board at Hampton was ten
dollars per month. I was expected to pay a part
of this in cash and to work out the remainder. To
meet this cash payment, as I have stated, I had
just fifty cents when I reached the institution.
Aside from a very few dollars that my brother
John was able to send me once in a while, I had
no money with which to pay my board. I was
determined from the first to make my work as
janitor so valuable that my services would be
indispensable. This I succeeded in doing to such
an extent that I was soon informed that I would
be allowed the full cost of my board in return for
my work. The cost of tuition was seventy dollars
a year. This, of course, was wholly beyond my
ability to provide. If I had been compelled to pay
the seventy dollars for tuition, in addition to
providing for my board, I would have been compelled
to leave the Hampton school. General Armstrong,
however, very kindly got Mr. S. Griffitts Morgan,
of New Bedford, Mass., to defray the cost of my
tuition during the whole time that I was at Hampton.
After I finished the course at Hampton and
had entered upon my lifework at Tuskegee, I had
the pleasure of visiting Mr. Morgan several times.
After having been for a while at Hampton, I
found myself in difficulty because I did not have
books and clothing. Usually, however, I got
around the trouble about books by borrowing from
those who were more fortunate than myself. As
to clothes, when I reached Hampton I had practically
nothing. Everything that I possessed was in
a small hand satchel. My anxiety about clothing
was increased because of the fact that General
Armstrong made a personal inspection of the young
men in ranks, to see that their clothes were clean.
Shoes had to be polished, there must be no buttons
off the clothing, and no grease-spots. To wear one
suit of clothes continually, while at work and in
the schoolroom, and at the same time keep it clean, was
rather a hard problem for me to solve. In some
way I managed to get on till the teachers learned
that I was in earnest and meant to succeed, and
then some of them were kind enough to see that I
was partly supplied with second-hand clothing that
had been sent in barrels from the North. These
barrels proved a blessing to hundreds of poor but
deserving students. Without them I question
whether I should ever have gotten through
Hampton.
When I first went to Hampton I do not recall
that I had ever slept in a bed that had two sheets on it. In those days there were not many buildings
there, and room was very precious. There
were seven other boys in the same room with me;
most of them, however, students who had been
there for some time. The sheets were quite a puzzle
to me. The first night I slept under both of
them, and the second night I slept on top of both
of them; but by watching the other boys I learned
my lesson in this, and have been trying to follow
it ever since and to teach it to others. I was among the youngest of the students who
were in Hampton at that time. Most of the students
were men and women - some as old as forty
years of age. As I now recall the scene of my first
year, I do not believe that one often has the
opportunity of coming into contact with three or four
hundred men and women who were so tremendously
in earnest as these men and women were. Every
hour was occupied in study or work. Nearly all
had had enough actual contact with the world to
teach them the need of education. Many of the
older ones were, of course, too old to master the
text-books very thoroughly, and it was often sad
to watch their struggles; but they made up in
earnestness much of what they lacked in books.
Many of them were as poor as I was, and, besides
having to wrestle with their books, they had to struggle with a poverty which prevented their having
the necessities of life. Many of them had aged
parents who were dependent upon them, and some
of them were men who had wives whose support in
some way they had to provide for.
The great and prevailing idea that seemed to
take possession of every one was to prepare himself
to lift up the people at his home. No one
seemed to think of himself. And the officers and
teachers, what a rare set of human beings they
were! They worked for the students night and
day, in season and out of season. They seemed
happy only when they were helping the students
in some manner. Whenever it is written - and I
hope it will be - the part that the Yankee teachers
played in the education of the Negroes immediately
after the war will make one of the most thrilling
parts of the history of this country. The time is
not far distant when the whole South will appreciate
this service in a way that it has not yet been
able to do.
CHAPTER IV
HELPING OTHERS
AT THE end of my first
year at Hampton I was
confronted with another difficulty. Most
of the students went home to spend their
vacation. I had no money with which to go home,
but I had to go somewhere. In those days very
few students were permitted to remain at the school
during vacation. It made me feel very sad and
homesick to see the other students preparing to
leave and starting for home. I not only had no
money with which to go home, but I had none with
which to go anywhere.
In some way, however, I had gotten hold of an
extra, second-hand coat which I thought was a
pretty valuable coat. This I decided to sell, in
order to get a little money for travelling expenses.
I had a good deal of boyish pride, and I tried to
hide, as far as I could, from the other students the
fact that I had no money and nowhere to go. I
made it known to a few people in the town of
Hampton that I had this coat to sell, and, after a good deal of persuading, one coloured man promised
to come to my room to look the coat over and
consider the matter of buying it. This cheered my
drooping spirits considerably. Early the next morning
my prospective customer appeared. After looking
the garment over carefully, he asked me how
much I wanted for it. I told him I thought it was
worth three dollars. He seemed to agree with me
as to price, but remarked in the most matter-of-fact way:
"I tell you what I will do; I will take the
coat, and I will pay you five cents, cash down, and
pay you the rest of the money just as soon as I can
get it." It is not hard to imagine what my feelings
were at the time.
With this disappointment I gave up all hope of
getting out of the town of Hampton for my vacation
work. I wanted very much to go where I
might secure work that would at least pay me
enough to purchase some much-needed clothing
and other necessities. In a few days practically all
the students and teachers had left for their homes,
and this served to depress my spirits even more.
After trying for several days in and near the
town of Hampton, I finally secured work in a
restaurant at Fortress Monroe. The wages, however,
were very little more than my board. At night, and
between meals, I found considerable time for study and reading; and in this direction I improved
myself very much during the summer.
When I left school at the end of my first year, I
owed the institution sixteen dollars that I had not
been able to work out. It was my greatest ambition
during the summer to save money enough with
which to pay this debt. I felt that this was a debt
of honour, and that I could hardly bring myself to
the point of even trying to enter school again till it
was paid. I economized in every way that I could
think of - did my own washing, and went without
necessary garments - but still I found my summer
vacation ending and I did not have the sixteen
dollars.
One day, during the last week of my stay in the
restaurant, I found under one of the tables a crisp,
new ten-dollar bill. I could hardly contain myself,
I was so happy. As it was not my place of business
I felt it to be the proper thing to show the
money to the proprietor. This I did. He seemed
as glad as I was, but he coolly explained to me that,
as it was his place of business, he had a right to
keep the money, and he proceeded to do so. This,
I confess, was another pretty hard blow to me. I
will not say that I became discouraged, for as I
now look back over my life I do not recall that
I ever became discouraged over anything that I set out to accomplish. I have begun everything with
the idea that I could succeed, and I never had
much patience with the multitudes of people who
are always ready to explain why one cannot succeed.
I have always had a high regard for the man who
could tell me how to succeed. I determined to face
the situation just as it was. At the end of the week
I went to the treasurer of the Hampton Institute,
General J. F. B. Marshall, and told him frankly my
condition. To my gratification he told me that I
could reënter the institution, and that he would
trust me to pay the debt when I could. During
the second year I continued to work as a janitor.
The education that I received at Hampton out
of the text-books was but a small part of what I
learned there. One of the things that impressed
itself upon me deeply, the second year, was the
unselfishness of the teachers. It was hard for me to
understand how any individuals could bring themselves
to the point where they could be so happy in
working for others. Before the end of the year, I
think I began learning that those who are happiest
are those who do the most for others. This lesson
I have tried to carry with me ever since.
I also learned a valuable lesson at Hampton by
coming into contact with the best breeds of live
stock and fowls. No student, I think, who has had the opportunity of doing this could go out into the
world and content himself with the poorest grades.
Perhaps the most valuable thing that I got out
of my second year was an understanding of the use
and value of the Bible. Miss Nathalie Lord, one
of the teachers, from Portland, Me., taught me how
to use and love the Bible. Before this I had never
cared a great deal about it, but now I learned to
love to read the Bible, not only for the spiritual
help which it gives, but on account of it as literature.
The lessons taught me in this respect took such a
hold upon me that at the present time, when I am
at home, no matter how busy I am, I always make it
a rule to read a chapter or a portion of a chapter in
the morning, before beginning the work of the day.
Whatever ability I may have as a public speaker I
owe in a measure to Miss Lord. When she found
out that I had some inclination in this direction,
she gave me private lessons in the matter of breathing,
emphasis, and articulati |